Striking are the echoes between the discourse of Tunisia’s political elites and that of the IMF and Moody’s. In this narrative, civil society’s active engagement, and the ‘social unrest’ of protesters, are viewed as standing in the way of necessary neoliberal reforms. Derogatory denunciations of protests as takhrib (destruction) and shaghab (rioting) by Tunisian politicians this past ‘protest season’ (December 2020 to January 2021) seem to dovetail with global international financial institutions’ wariness of popular mobilization.
However, externally dictated ‘reforms’ contradict the mantras of Tunisia’s revolution: freedom, dignity, employment, social justice. In addition, multinational corporations in Tunisia are indifferent to local employment or environmental protection. The country seems to be always out-smarted in its negotiations with multinational corporations, the IMF and other guardians of international capitalism.
Yet the Tunisian people, active and enriched by an awareness of inventories at their disposal, have more than once displayed ‘unruliness’ in objection to such reforms (e.g. anti-austerity protests of 2018). Mobilization of disaffected youth is in abundance, as attested by the past few months of protests in cities from Tataouine to Gafsa.
Mobilizing ‘the street’
Tunisia’s unending political paralysis detracts from any leverage the country may wield vis-à-vis global capitalism’s encroachments.
Protest is a consistent (and healthy) feature of Tunisia’s post-2011 political climate. However, political leaders themselves are now trying to mobilize people onto the streets, each for a different purpose. The so-called thawrat al-tanwir ( ‘enlightenment revolution’) is one example, spearheaded by Ben Ali’s political ‘heir’, Abir Moussi. The controversial head of the Free Destour Party was part of the authoritarian apparatus in Tunisia. Now, her trademark issue is anti-Islamism. She has reappropriated Tunisian history, claiming her party as the natural offspring of Bourguiba’s Neo-Destour.
Meanwhile, the Islamists, best represented by the party Ennahda, seem to be embattled and on the defensive. Ennahda’s leadership is dull and its membership divided. In denial, the party, led by Rached Ghannouchi, is suffering from its own polemics and schisms. It is beset by attrition (seen in the exit of major leadership figures: Abdelfattah Morou, Abdelhamid Jlassi, Lotfi Zitoun, etc), while others seem to chafe at the party’s directives and direction. The ‘100 group’ , a pro-democracy faction within Ennahda, challenged Ghannouchi’s leadership last fall but seems to have been contained for the moment. The party contests democratic elections and has more or less perfected the art of democratic participation. Internally, however, it is seemingly not democratic at all.
Against such a backdrop, Ennahda took to the street on 27 February. Its Demonstration for Steadfastness and Defense of Institutions brought out huge crowds in the tens of thousands, perhaps 100,000.
Ghannouchi exhorted his party faithful and Tunisians to express more ‘love’. What exactly the party was hoping to accomplish is not clear. At least some of this muscle-flexing seems to be for the benefit of President Kais Saied. For weeks, the president has refused to swear in new ministers appointed by the prime minister, Hichem Mechichi, putting him at odds with Ennahda as well. Power and political acumen, however, is not populism and mobilization of large crowds. Congregating masses, numbering in the tens or hundreds of thousands, did not rescue Egypt’s former president, Mohamed Morsi. Power is not about gathering huge groups in the street. It is about adhering to the rules of the (democratic) game; playing the political cards correctly.
Perpetual disaffection
The paradox is that the world is dazzled by the North African country’s political system, except for Tunisians themselves who hate it. Dissatisfaction is palpable across the board. Debates center either on how to change the constitution (to be more presidential or more parliamentary) or the electoral law (to solidify party majorities in elections). Tunisia was awash in singularity before 2011: single-rule, single-party, single-everything. Now that Tunisians have constructed a political fusayfisaa (mosaic), they don’t seem to want it!
There is nothing wrong with a political mosaic, however. Returning to even a democratic monopoly would be much worse. What would happen if the Islamists, or Moussi, or the near-dead Left, were to become a monopolizing power? Why the rush to amend the constitution or the election law, barely six years old? Perhaps Tunisians should come to terms with a bit of pluralism-induced chaos.
Print
Larbi Sadiki | Radio Free (2021-03-31T00:00:00+00:00) Tunisia’s revolution under siege: When the IMF calls the shots. Retrieved from https://www.radiofree.org/2021/03/31/tunisias-revolution-under-siege-when-the-imf-calls-the-shots/
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